Author Topic: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch  (Read 35805 times)

Offline Battle

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #240 on: July 16, 2020, 03:51:03 pm »
Thursday, 16th July 2o2o
Evidence destroyed in fatal police shooting of man who was half-kneeling
by Erik Ortiz

Evidence was destroyed relating to a fatal officer-involved shooting in June that sparked protests for increased police accountability in Vallejo, California, the city confirmed Wednesday.

The evidence included the bullet-riddled windshield of the unmarked police truck from which the fatal shots were fired.

As a result, a city employee who has not been identified was placed on administrative leave and the city said it would ask that the destruction of the windshield be part of any criminal investigation into the shooting.

The city has also retained an outside investigator to look into the destruction of evidence and is in contact with the FBI as it requests an outside agency to investigate the wider case.

The city also said in a statement that the police truck had been "placed back into service without prior consultation with the Police Chief or City Attorney's Office."

Melissa Nold, an attorney for the family of the man who was killed — Sean Monterrosa, 22, of San Francisco — said she had wanted to examine the windshield as part of evidence for a criminal investigation and civil lawsuit, but was surprised to learn from the city attorney's office this week that it not had been preserved.

"I was outraged when I inquired about the truck and found out that they destroyed a critical piece of evidence," Nold said.

"This is the perfect example of why police departments should be forbidden from investigating themselves."

Bodycam video from the scene outside of a Walgreens in Vallejo made public last week shows an officer in the back seat of the truck firing through the front windshield.

The video, however, did not show the moments leading up to the shooting or Monterrosa getting hit — footage that attorneys for his family say could help clarify whether he appeared threatening to officers, as they have claimed, or was crouched down surrendering.

Nold said that reviewing the windshield was necessary for an accurate scene recreation and to help determine the trajectory of the bullets, especially since bodycam video does not show Monterrosa until he was already lying on the ground.

Gregory Hagopian, a former prosecutor in the Tulare County District Attorney's Office in California and now a defense lawyer, said it's always better to preserve as much physical evidence as possible, which allows all sides to properly build their case and can be better than relying on photos or memory.

"When you've got a case like this where they should know there's going to be an inquest and there's going to be controversy, they should have thought to themselves we want to be as above board as possible," Hagopian said.

"When police seem to be hiding things, when they act shady, it just makes the negative perception of police worse."

Vallejo police said the officers were responding to a report of looting after midnight when they encountered Monterrosa in the parking lot.

There was a previous incident at the scene in which a police car was rammed and officers described seeing "potential looters" get into cars and flee, authorities said. When the other officers arrived, Monterrosa began running toward a car, then stopped and got into a half-kneeling position facing them, according to officers' accounts.

One of the officers told investigators he believed Monterrosa had a gun in his sweatshirt pocket and was kneeling "as if in preparation to shoot," moving his hands toward his jacket at their approaching vehicle.

That officer fired his weapon five times through the windshield, striking Monterrosa, according to authorities.

Police discovered that the object inside Monterrosa's pocket wasn't a gun, but a long hammer.

The Vallejo Police Department has not identified the officer who fired his weapon.

At a news conference last week, Police Chief Shawny Williams called the incident "tragic" but said that it would be "inappropriate" for him to comment about the officer's decision to shoot from the back seat of a vehicle and through a windshield.

Monterrosa's death was the 18th fatal police-involved shooting in Vallejo since 2010, with the majority of those killed being Black and brown men, records show. Monterrosa was Latino.

While the California Department of Justice announced last month that it will undertake an "expansive review" of the Vallejo Police Department because of its history of policing complaints, Attorney General Xavier Becerra has declined to independently investigate Monterrosa's shooting, leaving it to the Solano County District Attorney's Office to determine whether charges are warranted.

Community activists called for an independent investigation led by an agency outside of Solano County.

Earlier this month, District Attorney Krishna Abrams announced she would recuse her office from the case, and said,

"I, too, am listening and hearing their pleas for an independent investigation."

Abrams' office did not immediately return a request for comment Thursday about leading an investigation or the destruction of evidence, while the state Department of Justice had no comment.

Nold said that one of the two agencies will have to investigate Monterrosa's death, and as of now, "the Monterrosa family has been robbed, not only of Sean, but of an independent investigation."

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #241 on: July 18, 2020, 06:26:45 pm »
Saturday, 18th July 2o2o
Washington cop shot and killed during violent traffic stop by officer training him
by Jessica Schladebeck

A rookie cop killed after gunfire erupted during a routine traffic stop in Washington state was actually shot by his training officer, not the suspect arrested and charged with his murder.

Officer Jonathan Shoop was on duty with his field-training officer Mustafa Kumcur Monday evening around 9:40 p.m. when they pulled over a Pontiac G6 without a license plate, Snohomish County Sheriff’s Detective David Fontenot wrote in a probable cause statement filed in court on Friday.

The driver, identified as Henry Washington, initially seemed willing to cooperate with officers but fled in his vehicle after speaking with them for about a minute or so.

A brief car chase ensued, ending only when Washington’s vehicle struck a 20-year-old man on a scooter before crashing through a median, authorities said.

According to the probable cause statement, as the cruiser pulled up to Washington’s crashed car, the suspect made his way to the front of the vehicle and fired two shots into the driver’s side window.

The first shattered the glass while the second ricocheted off Kumcur’s service weapon and cut a deep graze in his head.

Kumcur, who was in the passenger seat, in response fired off “multiple rounds,” one of them fatally striking his trainee.

After Washington again fled the scene, the veteran officer pulled Shoop from the cruiser and attempted to save his life.

The rookie officer, who was with the department for about a year, was pronounced dead on the scene.

Kumcur was treated and released from Harborview Medical Center early Tuesday.

Authorities searched for Washington for five hours before they arrested him on a charge of aggravated first-degree murder.

Bothell City Manager Jennifer Phillips in a statement said despite the latest information in the case, there is still no question about who is responsible for Shoop’s death.

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #242 on: July 21, 2020, 09:06:15 pm »
Saturday, 18th July 2o2o
Washington cop shot and killed during violent traffic stop by officer training him
by Jessica Schladebeck

A rookie cop killed after gunfire erupted during a routine traffic stop in Washington state was actually shot by his training officer, not the suspect arrested and charged with his murder.

Officer Jonathan Shoop was on duty with his field-training officer Mustafa Kumcur Monday evening around 9:40 p.m. when they pulled over a Pontiac G6 without a license plate, Snohomish County Sheriff’s Detective David Fontenot wrote in a probable cause statement filed in court on Friday.

The driver, identified as Henry Washington, initially seemed willing to cooperate with officers but fled in his vehicle after speaking with them for about a minute or so.

A brief car chase ensued, ending only when Washington’s vehicle struck a 20-year-old man on a scooter before crashing through a median, authorities said.

According to the probable cause statement, as the cruiser pulled up to Washington’s crashed car, the suspect made his way to the front of the vehicle and fired two shots into the driver’s side window.

The first shattered the glass while the second ricocheted off Kumcur’s service weapon and cut a deep graze in his head.

Kumcur, who was in the passenger seat, in response fired off “multiple rounds,” one of them fatally striking his trainee.

After Washington again fled the scene, the veteran officer pulled Shoop from the cruiser and attempted to save his life.

The rookie officer, who was with the department for about a year, was pronounced dead on the scene.

Kumcur was treated and released from Harborview Medical Center early Tuesday.

Authorities searched for Washington for five hours before they arrested him on a charge of aggravated first-degree murder.

Bothell City Manager Jennifer Phillips in a statement said despite the latest information in the case, there is still no question about who is responsible for Shoop’s death.

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Jesus H! The job of the police is very difficult and dangerous! But wait...what was the rookie doing [ besides driving the car ] while Washington was shooting into the police cruiser? We don't know what the rookie was doing; only what his training officer was doing. Was the rookie surprised by Washington popping out and shooting at them, so he basically was still in the driving position, and didn't react defensively? Did he duck into the shots fired by his partner?
Sub my YouTube with the world's first and only viral "capoeira" gun disarm technique:

Offline Battle

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #243 on: July 23, 2020, 12:51:06 am »
Thursday, 23rd July 2o2o
Derek Chauvin and wife face felony tax fraud charges
by CBS News

Former Minneapolis Police Officer Derek Chauvin — already facing charges in the death of George Floyd — has been charged with multiple tax-related felonies, along with his wife Kellie Chauvin, CBS Minnesota reports.

Washington County Attorney Pete Orput on Wednesday announced the nine counts of felony tax evasion charges against Derek and Kellie Chauvin.

According to the criminal complaint, investigators began looking into the Chauvins in June 2020 for not filing Minnesota individual income tax returns on time from 2016 to 2019, and for fraudulently filing tax returns from 2014 to 2019.

"When you fail to fulfill the basic obligation to file and pay taxes, you are taking money from the pockets of citizens of Minnesota," Orput said.

"Our office has and will continue to file these charges when presented. Whether you are a prosecutor or police officer, or you are a doctor or a realtor, no one is above the law."

The complaint details, over the course of multiple years, that the Chauvins failed to file income tax returns and pay state income taxes; underreported and underpaid taxes on income from various employments each year; and failed to pay proper sales tax on a vehicle purchased in Minnesota.

The charges are the result of an investigation conducted by the Minnesota Department of Revenue and the Oakdale Police Department.

If convicted, Derek and Kellie could each face a maximum sentence of 45 years in prison and/or have to pay a $90,000 fine, according to CBS Minnesota.

Kellie filed for divorce in May 2020, which is still pending.

**Comment section** on YouTube

Kisha McCormick
11 hours ago
So let me get this straight: He killed someone over a fake $20 bill but didnt pay his taxes for years.

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« Last Edit: July 23, 2020, 07:01:50 am by Battle »

Offline Battle

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #244 on: July 28, 2020, 10:14:27 am »
Tuesday, 28th July 2o2o
Why did American policing get so big, so fast? The answer, mainly, is slavery
by Jill Lepore

To police is to maintain law and order, but the word derives from polis—the Greek for “city,” or “polity”—by way of politia, the Latin for “citizenship,” and it entered English from the Middle French police, which meant not constables but government.

“The police,” as a civil force charged with deterring crime, came to the United States from England and is generally associated with monarchy—“keeping the king’s peace”—which makes it surprising that, in the antimonarchical United States, it got so big, so fast.

The reason is, mainly, slavery.

“Abolish the police,” as a rallying cry, dates to 1988 (the year that N.W.A. recorded “f*ck tha Police”), but, long before anyone called for its abolition, someone had to invent the police: the ancient Greek polis had to become the modern police.

“To be political, to live in a polis, meant that everything was decided through words and persuasion and not through force and violence,” Hannah Arendt wrote in “The Human Condition.”

In the polis, men argued and debated, as equals, under a rule of law.

Outside the polis, in households, men dominated women, children, servants, and slaves, under a rule of force.

This division of government sailed down the river of time like a raft, getting battered, but also bigger, collecting sticks and mud.

Kings asserted a rule of force over their subjects on the idea that their kingdom was their household.

In 1769, William Blackstone, in his “Commentaries on the Laws of England,” argued that the king, as “pater-familias of the nation,” directs “the public police,” exercising the means by which “the individuals of the state, like members of a well-governed family, are bound to conform their general behavior to the rules of propriety, good neighbourhood, and good manners; and to be decent, industrious, and inoffensive in their respective stations.”

The police are the king’s men.

History begins with etymology, but it doesn’t end there.

The polis is not the police.

The American Revolution toppled the power of the king over his people—in America, “the law is king,” Thomas Paine wrote—but not the power of a man over his family.

The power of the police has its origins in that kind of power.

Under the rule of law, people are equals; under the rule of police, as the legal theorist Markus Dubber has written, we are not.

We are more like the women, children, servants, and slaves in a household in ancient Greece, the people who were not allowed to be a part of the polis.

But for centuries, through struggles for independence, emancipation, enfranchisement, and equal rights, we’ve been fighting to enter the polis.

One way to think about “Abolish the police,” then, is as an argument that, now that all of us have finally clawed our way into the polis, the police are obsolete.

But are they?

The crisis in policing is the culmination of a thousand other failures—failures of education, social services, public health, gun regulation, criminal justice, and economic development.

Police have a lot in common with firefighters, E.M.T.s, and paramedics: they’re there to help, often at great sacrifice, and by placing themselves in harm’s way.

To say that this doesn’t always work out, however, does not begin to cover the size of the problem.

The killing of George Floyd, in Minneapolis, cannot be wished away as an outlier.

In each of the past five years, police in the United States have killed roughly a thousand people.

(During each of those same years, about a hundred police officers were killed in the line of duty.)

One study suggests that, among American men between the ages of fifteen and thirty-four, the number who were treated in emergency rooms as a result of injuries inflicted by police and security guards was almost as great as the number who, as pedestrians, were injured by motor vehicles.

Urban police forces are nearly always whiter than the communities they patrol.

The victims of police brutality are disproportionately Black teen-age boys: children.

To say that many good and admirable people are police officers, dedicated and brave public servants, which is, of course, true, is to fail to address both the nature and the scale of the crisis and the legacy of centuries of racial injustice.

The best people, with the best of intentions, doing their utmost, cannot fix this system from within.

There are nearly seven hundred thousand police officers in the United States, about two for every thousand people, a rate that is lower than the European average.

The difference is guns.

Police in Finland fired six bullets in all of 2013; in an encounter on a single day in the year 2015, in Pasco, Washington, three policemen fired seventeen bullets when they shot and killed an unarmed thirty-five-year-old orchard worker from Mexico.

Five years ago, when the Guardian counted police killings, it reported that, “in the first 24 days of 2015, police in the US fatally shot more people than police did in England and Wales, combined, over the past 24 years.”

American police are armed to the teeth, with more than seven billion dollars’ worth of surplus military equipment off-loaded by the Pentagon to eight thousand law-enforcement agencies since 1997.

At the same time, they face the most heavily armed civilian population in the world: one in three Americans owns a gun, typically more than one.

Gun violence undermines civilian life and debases everyone.

A study found that, given the ravages of stress, white male police officers in Buffalo have a life expectancy twenty-two years shorter than that of the average American male.

The debate about policing also has to do with all the money that’s spent paying heavily armed agents of the state to do things that they aren’t trained to do and that other institutions would do better.

History haunts this debate like a bullet-riddled ghost.

That history begins in England, in the thirteenth century, when maintaining the king’s peace became the duty of an officer of the court called a constable, aided by his watchmen: every male adult could be called on to take a turn walking a ward at night and, if trouble came, to raise a hue and cry.

This practice lasted for centuries.

(A version endures: George Zimmerman, when he shot and killed Trayvon Martin, in 2012, was serving on his neighborhood watch.)

The watch didn’t work especially well in England—“The average constable is an ignoramus who knows little or nothing of the law,” Blackstone wrote—and it didn’t work especially well in England’s colonies.

Rich men paid poor men to take their turns on the watch, which meant that most watchmen were either very elderly or very poor, and very exhausted from working all day.

Boston established a watch in 1631.

New York tried paying watchmen in 1658.

In Philadelphia, in 1705, the governor expressed the view that the militia could make the city safer than the watch, but militias weren’t supposed to police the king’s subjects; they were supposed to serve the common defense—waging wars against the French, fighting Native peoples who were trying to hold on to their lands, or suppressing slave rebellions.

The government of slavery was not a rule of law.

It was a rule of police.

In 1661, the English colony of Barbados passed its first slave law; revised in 1688, it decreed that “Negroes and other Slaves” were “wholly unqualified to be governed by the Laws . . . of our Nations,” and devised, instead, a special set of rules “for the good Regulating and Ordering of them.”

Virginia adopted similar measures, known as slave codes, in 1680:

It shall not be lawfull for any negroe or other slave to carry or arme himselfe with any club, staffe, gunn, sword or any other weapon of defence or offence, nor to goe or depart from of his masters ground without a certificate from his master, mistris or overseer, and such permission not to be granted but upon perticuler and necessary occasions; and every negroe or slave soe offending not haveing a certificate as aforesaid shalbe sent to the next constable, who is hereby enjoyned and required to give the said negroe twenty lashes on his bare back well layd on, and soe sent home to his said master, mistris or overseer . . . that if any negroe or other slave shall absent himself from his masters service and lye hid and lurking in obscure places, comitting injuries to the inhabitants, and shall resist any person or persons that shalby any lawfull authority be imployed to apprehend and take the said negroe, that then in case of such resistance, it shalbe lawfull for such person or persons to kill the said negroe or slave soe lying out and resisting.

In eighteenth-century New York, a person held as a slave could not gather in a group of more than three; could not ride a horse; could not hold a funeral at night; could not be out an hour after sunset without a lantern; and could not sell “Indian corn, peaches, or any other fruit” in any street or market in the city.

Stop and frisk, stop and whip, shoot to kill.

Then there were the slave patrols.

Armed Spanish bands called hermandades had hunted runaways in Cuba beginning in the fifteen-thirties, a practice that was adopted by the English in Barbados a century later.

It had a lot in common with England’s posse comitatus, a band of stout men that a county sheriff could summon to chase down an escaped criminal.

South Carolina, founded by slaveowners from Barbados, authorized its first slave patrol in 1702; Virginia followed in 1726, North Carolina in 1753.

Slave patrols married the watch to the militia: serving on patrol was required of all able-bodied men (often, the patrol was mustered from the militia), and patrollers used the hue and cry to call for anyone within hearing distance to join the chase.

Neither the watch nor the militia nor the patrols were “police,” who were French, and considered despotic.

In North America, the French city of New Orleans was distinctive in having la police: armed City Guards, who wore military-style uniforms and received wages, an urban slave patrol.

In 1779, Thomas Jefferson created a chair in “law and police” at the College of William & Mary.

The meaning of the word began to change.

In 1789, Jeremy Bentham, noting that “police” had recently entered the English language, in something like its modern sense, made this distinction: police keep the peace; justice punishes disorder.

(“No justice, no peace!” Black Lives Matter protesters cry in the streets.)

Then, in 1797, a London magistrate named Patrick Colquhoun published “A Treatise on the Police of the Metropolis.”

He, too, distinguished peace kept in the streets from justice administered by the courts: police were responsible for the regulation and correction of behavior and “the prevention and detection of crimes.”

It is often said that Britain created the police, and the United States copied it.

One could argue that the reverse is true.

Colquhoun spent his teens and early twenties in Colonial Virginia, had served as an agent for British cotton manufacturers, and owned shares in sugar plantations in Jamaica.

He knew all about slave codes and slave patrols.

But nothing came of Colquhoun’s ideas about policing until 1829, when Home Secretary Robert Peel—in the wake of a great deal of labor unrest, and after years of suppressing Catholic rebellions in Ireland, in his capacity as Irish Secretary—persuaded Parliament to establish the Metropolitan Police, a force of some three thousand men, headed by two civilian justices (later called “commissioners”), and organized like an army, with each superintendent overseeing four inspectors, sixteen sergeants, and a hundred and sixty-five constables, who wore coats and pants of blue with black top hats, each assigned a numbered badge and a baton.
Londoners came to call these men “bobbies,” for Bobby Peel.

« Last Edit: July 28, 2020, 10:21:43 am by Battle »

Offline Battle

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #245 on: July 28, 2020, 10:21:14 am »

It is also often said that modern American urban policing began in 1838, when the Massachusetts legislature authorized the hiring of police officers in Boston.

This, too, ignores the role of slavery in the history of the police.

In 1829, a Black abolitionist in Boston named David Walker published “An Appeal to the Coloured Citizens of the World,” calling for violent rebellion:

“One good black man can put to death six white men.”

Walker was found dead within the year, and Boston thereafter had a series of mob attacks against abolitionists, including an attempt to lynch William Lloyd Garrison, the publisher of The Liberator, in 1835.

Walker’s words terrified Southern slaveowners.

The governor of North Carolina wrote to his state’s senators,

“I beg you will lay this matter before the police of your town and invite their prompt attention to the necessity of arresting the circulation of the book.”

By “police,” he meant slave patrols: in response to Walker’s “Appeal,” North Carolina formed a statewide “patrol committee.”

New York established a police department in 1844; New Orleans and Cincinnati followed in 1852, then, later in the eighteen-fifties, Philadelphia, Chicago, and Baltimore.

Population growth, the widening inequality brought about by the Industrial Revolution, and the rise in such crimes as prostitution and burglary all contributed to the emergence of urban policing.

So did immigration, especially from Ireland and Germany, and the hostility to immigration: a new party, the Know-Nothings, sought to prevent immigrants from voting, holding office, and becoming citizens.

In 1854, Boston disbanded its ancient watch and formally established a police department; that year, Know-Nothings swept the city’s elections.

American police differed from their English counterparts: in the U.S., police commissioners, as political appointees, fell under local control, with limited supervision; and law enforcement was decentralized, resulting in a jurisdictional thicket.

In 1857, in the Great Police Riot, the New York Municipal Police, run by the mayor’s office, fought on the steps of city hall with the New York Metropolitan Police, run by the state.

The Metropolitans were known as the New York Mets.

That year, an amateur baseball team of the same name was founded.

Also, unlike their British counterparts, American police carried guns, initially their own.

In the eighteen-sixties, the Colt Firearms Company began manufacturing a compact revolver called a Pocket Police Model, long before the New York Metropolitan Police began issuing service weapons.

American police carried guns because Americans carried guns, including Americans who lived in parts of the country where they hunted for food and defended their livestock from wild animals, Americans who lived in parts of the country that had no police, and Americans who lived in parts of North America that were not in the United States.

Outside big cities, law-enforcement officers were scarce.

In territories that weren’t yet states, there were U.S. marshals and their deputies, officers of the federal courts who could act as de-facto police, but only to enforce federal laws.

If a territory became a state, its counties would elect sheriffs.

Meanwhile, Americans became vigilantes, especially likely to kill indigenous peoples, and to lynch people of color.

Between 1840 and the nineteen-twenties, mobs, vigilantes, and law officers, including the Texas Rangers, lynched some five hundred Mexicans and Mexican-Americans and killed thousands more, not only in Texas but also in territories that became the states of California, Arizona, Nevada, Utah, Colorado, and New Mexico.

A San Francisco vigilance committee established in 1851 arrested, tried, and hanged people; it boasted a membership in the thousands.

An L.A. vigilance committee targeted and lynched Chinese immigrants.

The U.S. Army operated as a police force, too.

After the Civil War, the militia was organized into seven new departments of permanent standing armies: the Department of Dakota, the Department of the Platte, the Department of the Missouri, the Department of Texas, the Department of Arizona, the Department of California, and the Department of the Columbian.

In the eighteen-seventies and eighties, the U.S. Army engaged in more than a thousand combat operations against Native peoples.

In 1890, at Wounded Knee, South Dakota, following an attempt to disarm a Lakota settlement, a regiment of cavalrymen massacred hundreds of Lakota men, women, and children.

Nearly a century later, in 1973, F.B.I. agents, swat teams, and federal troops and state marshals laid siege to Wounded Knee during a protest over police brutality and the failure to properly punish the torture and murder of an Oglala Sioux man named Raymond Yellow Thunder.

They fired more than half a million rounds of ammunition and arrested more than a thousand people.

Today, according to the C.D.C., Native Americans are more likely to be killed by the police than any other racial or ethnic group.

Modern American policing began in 1909, when August Vollmer became the chief of the police department in Berkeley, California.

Vollmer refashioned American police into an American military.

He’d served with the Eighth Army Corps in the Philippines in 1898.

“For years, ever since Spanish-American War days, I’ve studied military tactics and used them to good effect in rounding up crooks,” he later explained.

“After all we’re conducting a war, a war against the enemies of society.”

Who were those enemies?

Mobsters, bootleggers, socialist agitators, strikers, union organizers, immigrants, and Black people.

To domestic policing, Vollmer and his peers adapted the kinds of tactics and weapons that had been deployed against Native Americans in the West and against colonized peoples in other parts of the world, including Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines, as the sociologist Julian Go has demonstrated.

Vollmer instituted a training model imitated all over the country, by police departments that were often led and staffed by other veterans of the United States wars of conquest and occupation.

A “police captain or lieutenant should occupy exactly the same position in the public mind as that of a captain or lieutenant in the United States army,” Detroit’s commissioner of police said.

(Today’s police officers are disproportionately veterans of U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, many suffering from post-traumatic stress.

The Marshall Project, analyzing data from the Albuquerque police, found that officers who are veterans are more likely than their non-veteran counterparts to be involved in fatal shootings.

In general, they are more likely to use force, and more likely to fire their guns.)

Vollmer-era police enforced a new kind of slave code: Jim Crow laws, which had been passed in the South beginning in the late eighteen-seventies and upheld by the Supreme Court in 1896.

William G. Austin became Savannah’s chief of police in 1907. Earlier, he had earned a Medal of Honor for his service in the U.S. Cavalry at Wounded Knee; he had also fought in the Spanish-American War.

By 1916, African-American churches in the city were complaining to Savannah newspapers about the “whole scale arrests of negroes because they are negroes—arrests that would not be made if they were white under similar circumstances.”

African-Americans also confronted Jim Crow policing in the Northern cities to which they increasingly fled.

James Robinson, Philadelphia’s chief of police beginning in 1912, had served in the Infantry during the Spanish-American War and the Philippine-American War.

He based his force’s training on manuals used by the U.S. Army at Leavenworth.

Go reports that, in 1911, about eleven per cent of people arrested were African-American; under Robinson, that number rose to 14.6 per cent in 1917.

By the nineteen-twenties, a quarter of those arrested were African-Americans, who, at the time, represented just 7.4 per cent of the population.

Progressive Era, Vollmer-style policing criminalized Blackness, as the historian Khalil Gibran Muhammad argued in his 2010 book, “The Condemnation of Blackness: Race, Crime, and the Making of Modern Urban America.”

Police patrolled Black neighborhoods and arrested Black people disproportionately; prosecutors indicted Black people disproportionately; juries found Black people guilty disproportionately; judges gave Black people disproportionately long sentences; and, then, after all this, social scientists, observing the number of Black people in jail, decided that, as a matter of biology, Black people were disproportionately inclined to criminality.

More recently, between the New Jim Crow and the criminalization of immigration and the imprisonment of immigrants in detention centers, this reality has only grown worse.

“By population, by per capita incarceration rates, and by expenditures, the United States exceeds all other nations in how many of its citizens, asylum seekers, and undocumented immigrants are under some form of criminal justice supervision,” Muhammad writes in a new preface to his book.


Offline Battle

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #246 on: July 28, 2020, 10:30:38 am »
“The number of African American and Latinx people in American jails and prisons today exceeds the entire populations of some African, Eastern European, and Caribbean countries.”

Policing grew harsher in the Progressive Era, and, with the emergence of state-police forces, the number of police grew, too.

With the rise of the automobile, some, like California’s, began as “highway patrols.”

Others, including the state police in Nevada, Colorado, and Oregon, began as the private paramilitaries of industrialists which employed the newest American immigrants: Hungarians, Italians, and Jews.

Industrialists in Pennsylvania established the Iron and Coal Police to end strikes and bust unions, including the United Mine Workers; in 1905, three years after an anthracite-coal strike, the Pennsylvania State Police started operations.

“One State Policeman should be able to handle one hundred foreigners,” its new chief said.

The U.S. Border Patrol began in 1924, the year that Congress restricted immigration from southern Europe.

At the insistence of Southern and Western agriculturalists, Congress exempted Mexicans from its new immigration quotas in order to allow migrant workers to enter the United States.

The Border Patrol began as a relatively small outfit responsible for enforcing federal immigration law, and stopping smugglers, at all of the nation’s borders.

In the middle decades of the twentieth century, it grew to a national quasi-military focussed on policing the southern border in campaigns of mass arrest and forced deportation of Mexican immigrants, aided by local police like the notoriously brutal L.A.P.D., as the historian Kelly Lytle Hernández has chronicled.

What became the Chicano movement began in Southern California, with Mexican immigrants’ protests of the L.A.P.D. during the first half of the twentieth century, even as a growing film industry cranked out features about Klansmen hunting Black people, cowboys killing Indians, and police chasing Mexicans.

More recently, you can find an updated version of this story in L.A. Noire, a video game set in 1947 and played from the perspective of a well-armed L.A.P.D. officer, who, driving along Sunset Boulevard, passes the crumbling, abandoned sets from D. W. Griffith’s 1916 film “Intolerance,” imagined relics of an unforgiving age.

Two kinds of police appeared on mid-century American television.

The good guys solved crime on prime-time police procedurals like “Dragnet,” starting in 1951, and “Adam-12,” beginning in 1968 (both featured the L.A.P.D.).

The bad guys shocked America’s conscience on the nightly news: Arkansas state troopers barring Black students from entering Little Rock Central High School, in 1957; Birmingham police clubbing and arresting some seven hundred Black children protesting segregation, in 1963; and Alabama state troopers beating voting-rights marchers at Selma, in 1965.

These two faces of policing help explain how, in the nineteen-sixties, the more people protested police brutality, the more money governments gave to police departments.

In 1965, President Lyndon Johnson declared a “war on crime,” and asked Congress to pass the Law Enforcement Assistance Act, under which the federal government would supply local police with military-grade weapons, weapons that were being used in the war in Vietnam.

During riots in Watts that summer, law enforcement killed thirty-one people and arrested more than four thousand; fighting the protesters, the head of the L.A.P.D. said, was “very much like fighting the Viet Cong.”

Preparing for a Senate vote just days after the uprising ended, the chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee said,

“For some time, it has been my feeling that the task of law enforcement agencies is really not much different from military forces; namely, to deter crime before it occurs, just as our military objective is deterrence of aggression.”

As Elizabeth Hinton reported in “From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime: The Making of Mass Incarceration in America,” the “frontline soldiers” in Johnson’s war on crime—Vollmer-era policing all over again—spent a disproportionate amount of time patrolling Black neighborhoods and arresting Black people.

Policymakers concluded from those differential arrest rates that Black people were prone to criminality, with the result that police spent even more of their time patrolling Black neighborhoods, which led to a still higher arrest rate.

“If we wish to rid this country of crime, if we wish to stop hacking at its branches only, we must cut its roots and drain its swampy breeding ground, the slum,” Johnson told an audience of police policymakers in 1966.

The next year, riots broke out in Newark and Detroit.

“We ain’t rioting agains’ all you whites,” one Newark man told a reporter not long before being shot dead by police.

“We’re riotin’ agains’ police brutality.”

In Detroit, police arrested more than seven thousand people.

Johnson’s Great Society essentially ended when he asked Congress to pass the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act, which had the effect of diverting money from social programs to policing.

This magazine called it “a piece of demagoguery devised out of malevolence and enacted in hysteria.”

James Baldwin attributed its “irresponsible ferocity” to “some pale, compelling nightmare—an overwhelming collection of private nightmares.”

The truth was darker, as the sociologist Stuart Schrader chronicled in his 2019 book, “Badges Without Borders: How Global Counterinsurgency Transformed American Policing.”

During the Cold War, the Office of Public Safety at the U.S.A.I.D. provided assistance to the police in at least fifty-two countries, and training to officers from nearly eighty, for the purpose of counter-insurgency—the suppression of an anticipated revolution, that collection of private nightmares; as the O.P.S. reported, it contributed “the international dimension to the Administration’s War on Crime.”

Counter-insurgency boomeranged, and came back to the United States, as policing.

In 1968, Johnson’s new crime bill established the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration, within the Department of Justice, which, in the next decade and a half, disbursed federal funds to more than eighty thousand crime-control projects.

Even funds intended for social projects—youth employment, for instance, along with other health, education, housing, and welfare programs—were distributed to police operations.

With Richard Nixon, any elements of the Great Society that had survived the disastrous end of Johnson’s Presidency were drastically cut, with an increased emphasis on policing, and prison-building.

More Americans went to prison between 1965 and 1982 than between 1865 and 1964, Hinton reports.

Under Ronald Reagan, still more social services were closed, or starved of funding until they died: mental hospitals, health centers, jobs programs, early-childhood education.

By 2016, eighteen states were spending more on prisons than on colleges and universities.

Activists who today call for defunding the police argue that, for decades, Americans have been defunding not only social services but, in many states, public education itself.

The more frayed the social fabric, the more police have been deployed to trim the dangling threads.

The blueprint for law enforcement from Nixon to Reagan came from the Harvard political scientist James Q. Wilson between 1968, in his book “Varieties of Police Behavior,” and 1982, in an essay in The Atlantic titled  “Broken Windows.”

On the one hand, Wilson believed that the police should shift from enforcing the law to maintaining order, by patrolling on foot, and doing what came to be called “community policing.”

(Some of his recommendations were ignored: Wilson called for other professionals to handle what he termed the “service functions” of the police—“first aid, rescuing cats, helping ladies, and the like”—which is a reform people are asking for today.)

On the other hand, Wilson called for police to arrest people for petty crimes, on the theory that they contributed to more serious crimes.

Wilson’s work informed programs like Detroit’s stress (Stop the Robberies, Enjoy Safe Streets), begun in 1971, in which Detroit police patrolled the city undercover, in disguises that included everything from a taxi-driver to a “radical college professor,” and killed so many young Black men that an organization of Black police officers demanded that the unit be disbanded.

The campaign to end stress arguably marked the very beginnings of police abolitionism.

stress defended its methods.

“We just don’t walk up and shoot somebody,” one commander said.

“We ask him to stop. If he doesn’t, we shoot.”

For decades, the war on crime was bipartisan, and had substantial support from the Congressional Black Caucus.

“Crime is a national-defense problem,” Joe Biden said in the Senate, in 1982.

“You’re in as much jeopardy in the streets as you are from a Soviet missile.”

Biden and other Democrats in the Senate introduced legislation that resulted in the Comprehensive Crime Control Act of 1984.

A decade later, as chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Biden helped draft the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act, whose provisions included mandatory sentencing.

In May, 1991, two months after the Rodney King beating, Biden introduced the Police Officers’ Bill of Rights, which provided protections for police under investigation.
The N.R.A. first endorsed a Presidential candidate, Reagan, in 1980; the Fraternal Order of Police, the nation’s largest police union, first endorsed a Presidential candidate, George H. W. Bush, in 1988.

In 1996, it endorsed Bill Clinton.

Partly because of Biden’s record of championing law enforcement, the National Association of Police Organizations endorsed the Obama-Biden ticket in 2008 and 2012.

In 2014, after police in Ferguson, Missouri, shot Michael Brown, the Obama Administration established a task force on policing in the twenty-first century.

Its report argued that police had become warriors when what they really should be is guardians.

Most of its recommendations were never implemented.

In 2016, the Fraternal Order of Police endorsed Individual-1, saying that “our members believe he will make America safe again.”

Police unions are lining up behind Individual-1 again this year.

“We will never abolish our police or our great Second Amendment,” Individual-1 said at Mt. Rushmore, on the occasion of the Fourth of July.

“We will not be intimidated by bad, evil people.”

Individual-1 is not the king; the law is king. The police are not the king’s men; they are public servants.

And, no matter how desperately Individual-1 would like to make it so, policing really isn’t a partisan issue.

Out of the stillness of the shutdown, the voices of protest have roared like summer thunder.

An overwhelming majority of Americans, of both parties, support major reforms in American policing.

And a whole lot of police, defying their unions, also support those reforms.

Those changes won’t address plenty of bigger crises, not least because the problem of policing can’t be solved without addressing the problem of guns.

But this much is clear: the polis has changed, and the police will have to change, too.

An earlier version of this piece misrepresented the number of Americans between the ages of fifteen and thirty-four who were treated as a result of police-inflicted injuries in emergency rooms.

« Last Edit: July 28, 2020, 12:43:30 pm by Battle »

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #247 on: July 31, 2020, 02:10:37 am »
Friday, 31st July 2o2o

"If you turn a blind eye to racism, you become an accomplice to it." ~ Oprah

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #248 on: August 07, 2020, 05:04:49 pm »
Friday, 7th August 2o2o
Milwaukee police chief demoted!
by Leah Asmelash

As cities across the country rethink community policing, Milwaukee's police oversight board has demoted the city's police chief due to lack of communication and following the use of tear gas against protesters in the wake of George Floyd's death.

The unanimous vote to demote Milwaukee Police Chief Alfonso Morales was made by the city's Fire and Police Commission on Thursday evening.

The FPC is a citizen review board overseeing the operations of the the Fire and Police Departments.

The push to demote Morales began weeks ago, on July 20th, when seven members of Milwaukee's 15-member Common Council released a statement titled,

"Too many failures: We have no confidence in Chief Morales."

That joint statement referenced multiple incidents of "failed leadership" by Morales, including one incident after the death of George Floyd where an officer knelt on the neck of a face-down protester.

That officer, the statement says, is still on duty.

The Council's joint statement also disparages the tear gas and rubber bullets used "to attempt to injure hundreds of peaceful protesters."

Also on July 20th, the FPC sent Morales a list of 11 directives as a result of his "continued failure to communicate openly," the directives say.

They include requests for departmental records relating to various arrests and police shootings, including findings from an investigation into the arrest of Sterling Brown, a player for the Milwaukee Bucks who was arrested and tased in 2018 after an altercation stemming from a parking violation.

In response to the FPC's list of directives, the Milwaukee Police Department on Wednesday released a statement saying the department "has fully complied with every directive issued."

Still, on Thursday, one day after the department's statement, the FPC voted to demote Morales to his previous rank of captain.

Commissioner Ray Robakowski said Morales had "intentionally misled the public" in the last two weeks.

"His conduct is unbecoming, filled with ethical lapses and flawed decisions, making it inconsistent with someone who has the privilege of leading the Milwaukee Police Department," he said.

The meeting was held in person and Morales attended by video, according to CNN affiliate WDJT.

After the meeting, Attorney Franklyn Grimbel, who has been representing Morales, told reporters that the former chief "intends to review his options following the FPC decision," according to WDJT.

CNN has reached out to Grimbel, but requests for comment were not immediately returned.

Morales' demotion comes amid shifting public views of policing across the country -- as more and more Americans demand accountability and the defunding of police departments.

Just two hours away from Milwaukee, Chicago has seen violent clashes between protesters and police officers, amid calls to defund the Chicago Police Department and complaints of police misconduct.

In Los Angeles, the city council made cuts to the Los Angeles Police Department budget and has moved forward with a plan to replace police officers with community-based responders for nonviolent calls.

In Canada, the Vancouver City Council has made a similar move.

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #249 on: August 07, 2020, 06:25:06 pm »
Friday, 7th August 2o2o
North Carolina jail workers charged!
by Tina Burnside, Jennifer Henderson and Jamiel Lynch

Video that shows a Black man in apparent medical distress repeatedly telling officers, "I can't breathe," days before he died in a hospital was released this week following a North Carolina judge's order.

John Elliott Neville, 56, of Greensboro, also can be heard telling officers, "Let me go!" and "Help me!" and calling out, "Mama!" during the episode a day after his December 1st arrest.

He became unresponsive during the incident and died later at a hospital.

The five corrections officers and the nurse who attended to Neville leading up to his death have been charged with involuntary manslaughter by Forsyth County District Attorney Jim O'Neill.

They have been relieved of duty, the sheriff's office said.

The case marks the latest chapter in an unfolding, nationwide reckoning over how police treat Black people.

Protests from coast to coast have continued since the May death in Minneapolis police custody of George Floyd, who cried out that he couldn't breathe as an officer knelt on his neck; Floyd also pleaded for his mother's aid in his dying moments.

Forsyth County Sheriff Bobby Kimbrough Jr. apologized to the Neville family on Wednesday, following the court order to release the footage.

"I want to take this opportunity to say how much I appreciate the class in which you have handled the passing of your father," Kimbrough said.

"I have stood with you from the beginning and will continue to stand with you."

CNN has reached out to the district attorney's office and the attorney for Neville's family.

Neville was arrested by the Kernersville Police Department on a charge of assault on a female out of Guilford County, according to the sheriff's office.

While in custody at the Forsyth County Law Enforcement Center, he experienced an unknown medical emergency while he slept that caused him to fall out of his top bunk to the floor, O'Neill said last month during a news conference.

Corrections officers and a nurse were dispatched to his cell, where they found Neville disoriented and confused, O'Neill said.

The decision was made to move him to an observation cell to see what was causing his distress.

Over the next 45 minutes, Neville sustained injuries that caused him to lose his life, O'Neill said.

Videos taken from body and handheld cameras inside the detention facility on December 2nd show at least five officers attending to Neville in his cell where he is on the ground.

Officers can be heard in the 45-minute video asking him to stay down and informing him that he'd just had a seizure.

Neville can be heard screaming, "Hold on, let me up, and let me up," while officers restrain him on the ground and he struggles with them.

Neville yells, "Help me, help me," several times and can be heard yelling, "Mama! Mama! Mama!" and several expletives.

An officer can be heard telling him several times, "John, Listen to me. You are having a medical problem. You need to calm down."

Neville continues to yell and struggle saying, "Let me go! Let me go! Move your hands, let me up! Come on!"

As Neville continues pleading with officers, he is told to relax and to stop resisting.

For several minutes, officers are seen attempting to take handcuffs off Neville, who is seen lying motionless on the ground with a white bag on his head meant to protect the officers from his spittle.

Neville is eventually wheeled out of his cell by officers and down the hall.

While walking him down the hall, an officer can be heard asking, "John, you doing OK, buddy?" Neville responds, "No, help me."

The officer said, "We're helping you. We've got medical here. You've got a medical condition going on, you need to calm down, OK?"

Neville is wheeled to another room where a nurse checks his blood pressure.

The nurse asks Neville if he knows where he is, and he says he does not.

The nurse can be heard telling him to "stay relaxed," and Neville continues to struggle and yell,

"Help me, somebody! Help me, somebody!"

The nurse tells him they are helping him and to calm down.

Moments later, Neville is moved into another cell where he is placed on the ground and restrained by officers who appear to be trying again to take handcuffs off him.

Neville continues to yell,

"Help! My wrists! Help me! Help Me. I can't breathe."

An officer tells him, "I hear you. You're talking, you can breathe."

Neville continues, saying, "Please. I can't breathe. Let me go! I can't breathe, let me go. Please."

An officer responds, "John, Relax."

Neville continues to cry out in despair, saying, "I can't breathe" several times.

One officer is heard telling Neville,

"You need to settle down. We are trying to get these cuffs off you, and you're making it hard. You are breathing because you are talking, you're yelling, and you're moving. You need to stop. You need to relax. Quit resisting us. The quicker you relax the quicker we'll be out of here, man."

Officers continue to try to remove the restraints from Neville, who at this point is no longer yelling and appears to be unresponsive on the ground.

An officer says, "Alright, John, we're almost there. We are almost there, bud," as the others continue to work to remove the cuffs.

CNN has obtained statements from the attorneys for the five officers charged with involuntary manslaughter -- Lavette Williams, Antonio Woodley, Edward Roussel, Christopher Stamper and Sarah Poole.

David Freedman, attorney for Roussel, says his client has worked 30 years ijn law enforcement.

"The video shows there was no criminal activity," Freedman said.

"My client was acting consistent in how he was trained and they were acting under supervision of the health care provider on staff. While the events were tragic, the results to Neville were accidental."

Woodley's attorney, Niles Gerber, said the situation should not be compared to the George Floyd case.

"My client did everything he could to try and help this man who is clearly having medical or emotional episode, in my opinion," Gerber said.

"I don't know what else they were supposed to do. ... I believe there were intervening circumstances that contributed, including the key breaking and the bolt cutters not functioning."

Williams' attorney, Karen Gerber, said her client has worked 17-20 years at the jail.

The detention officers followed their training, she said.

"And though the death is a tragic, they dealt with this situation under adverse circumstances, following the training provided by the agency," Gerber said.

"The equipment they were given broke. The handcuffs broke. All the while they were doing the best they could do to help this man out."

J.D. Byers, lawyer for Stampers, said the video "shows that the officers were doing exactly what they were trained to do.

There was no intention of harming Mr. Neville.

It is an incredibly sad incident for everyone involved.

I am confident that the court of law will determine the case and I hope people view the video fairly."

Terrence Hines, lawyer for Sarah Poole, said the defendants were just trying to do their job.

"Her intent and everyone else's intent was to help Mr. Neville, not harm him," Hines said.

"They were trying to do their job to make sure he wasn't going to harm them or the nurse trying to assist him. It was a sad situation that no one wants to see someone lose their life and honestly, they were doing everything they could to help. It's an unfortunate and tragic situation."

CNN has reached out to the attorney for the nurse who was charged, Michelle Heughins, and has not head back.

Neville became unresponsive at some point while officers were attempting to remove the handcuffs, according to an investigation report from the Forsyth County Medical Examiner.

CPR was started by medical personnel, and EMS was called.

Upon EMS arrival, Neville's pupils were dilated and nonreactive, the report states.

He was taken to Wake Forest Baptist Medical Center, where he died December 4th.

Neville's cause of death is listed as "complications of hypoxic ischemic brain injury due to cardiopulmonary arrest due to positional and compressional asphyxia during prone restraint," according to the autopsy report released by the medical examiner's office.

Other significant conditions were listed as "acute altered mental status" and asthma."

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #250 on: August 12, 2020, 04:24:21 am »
Wednesday, 12th August 2o2o
Seattle police chief resigns over budget cuts
by Gene Johnson and Lisa Baumann

(Washington, SEATTLE) — Efforts to cut spending on police — a key demand of anti-racism demonstrators across the nation — have claimed an unlikely target: Seattle’s first Black police chief, who enjoyed deep support in its minority communities, is stepping down in protest.

Carmen Best announced her retirement Monday night, just hours after the City Council voted to cut her annual $285,000 salary by $10,000, as well as the salaries of her command staff, and to trim as many as 100 officers from a force of 1,400 through layoffs and attrition.

She said Tuesday that she was OK with her pay cut, but not with having to lay off young officers, many of them minorities hired in part to improve the department’s diversity.

“That, for me — I’m done. Can’t do it,” she said at a news conference.

Best, a military veteran who joined the department in 1992, was named chief two years ago.

Mayor Jenny Durkan initially left her off a list of finalists for the job, but selected her after an outcry from community groups who had long known Best and wanted her to be chosen.

Durkan praised Best’s service and commitment to improving policing in the city Tuesday.

She noted that Best had established a “collaborative policing bureau” to focus on youth violence prevention and other issues, added mental health workers in precincts, brought back community service officers and sought ways to reduce the burden of 911 calls — all before the protests that erupted after George Floyd’s killing by Minneapolis police.

“Of all the major cities in America, Seattle had the chief that not only understands the lived experience of Black America — because it is her experience — but has the deep experience in policing needed to change it,” Durkan said.

Deputy Chief Adrian Diaz, who heads the collaborative policing bureau, was named interim chief when Best’s resignation takes effect September 2nd.

Durkan said she would not begin looking to hire a permanent replacement, given the city’s dire economic outlook amid the pandemic as well as uncertainty about the future role of policing.

City Council members and residents alike had criticized Durkan and Best for the department’s response to protests against police brutality prompted by Floyd’s killing.

Officers repeatedly used tear gas, blast balls, pepper spray and other less-lethal weapons indiscriminately and at times without provocation, prompting a federal judge to restrain their use.

Best insisted that officers had a right to defend themselves.

Many of her supporters — even those who considered the department’s protest response heavy-handed — saw her retirement as unfortunate.

“All these organizations that have been pushing for police reform, we all believe Chief Best is a good chief,” said Linh Thai, managing director of the Vietnamese Community Leadership Institute.

“We want her at the helm.”

Black Lives Matter Seattle-King County issued a statement demanding that the council “stop prioritizing performative action that solely suggests the appearance of change.”

“It does nothing to further our fight for authentic police accountability and the safety of Black lives, that the first Black woman to hold the position of Chief of Police of the Seattle Police Department has been forced out of her job by the Seattle City Council,” the organization said.

The council voted Monday to cut the department’s current $400 million budget by less than 1%, which advocates described as a down payment on more ambitious cuts — including removing 911 dispatch from the department and other changes.

Council members Lorena Gonzalez, Teresa Mosqueda and Tammy Morales issued a joint statement Tuesday saying they were saddened by Best’s sudden departure.

Separately, member Lisa Herbold called Best’s decision “a staggering loss to leaders of the Black and Brown community.”

Herbold said she was sorry if Best felt targeted or disrespected by the council’s actions.

“Every major city in the nation has a police chief who is learning that leadership means understanding that they may need to figure out how to accept — and get their departments to accept — that the public wants less policing and more community safety,” Herbold said.

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #251 on: August 13, 2020, 01:17:23 pm »
Thursday, 13th August 2o2o
Fani Willis will become Fulton County’s first female DA
by Mohammed Awal

When Fani Willis decided to challenge her former employer, Paul Howard, the longtime Fulton County, Ga., District Attorney she had only one thing in mind – to be of service to humanity.

After her crushing landslide victory against Howard in Tuesday’s runoff election securing more 73 percent of the vote, Willis is set to become the first woman to serve as Fulton’s first District Attorney.

Willis worked for 16 years as a prosecutor for Howard, who became the first Black District Attorney in Georgia when he assumed office in 1997.

“It is historic. I’m the first woman DA, but what is better for these taxpayers who they elected is, I’ve been in the trenches,” Willis said of her annihilation of her former boss, who was seeking his seventh term in office in an interview with Channel 2.

An Emory Law School graduate, Willis had always wanted to be a lawyer growing up just like her father, whose message to her even before she could talk well was, “every human being, even a baby is entitled to some dignity.”

“I believe that in my core,” she told Channel 2.

During Willis’ 16 years as Howard’s employee she tried over 100 cases and supervised more than 100 attorneys on court preparation.

Poised to serve humanity, Willis said one of her focus would be giving first-time offenders a second chance, noting:

“We’ll make you do community service to the city you hurt. I just think we can save people, and at the same time, I don’t want any of your listeners to be confused. I am a prosecutor at my heart and my soul. People take kindness for weakness, and I’m very kind, but I’m not weak.”

Again in her 16 years at the Fulton District Attorney’s office, Willis was promoted to the Major Case Division and later named Deputy District Attorney of the Complex Trial Division, reports AJC.

The prosecutor at “heart and soul”, according to the outlet, was the lead prosecutor in the trial of 12 Atlanta Public School teachers accused of correcting standardized test answers by their students.

“All but one of the defendants was found guilty of racketeering,” states AJC.

“My staff and I will do what’s right, every time and all the time, whether the news cameras are on us or we’re handling a case that no one knows but us and that family,” Willis said.

“That’s what you have the right to respect and that’s what I will do.”

Speaking to AJC, the 49-year-old mother of two described her former boss as “a smart man.”

“I always said he stood in line for brains twice and skipped that line of how to treat people,” she said.

“He can look at cases and see things other lawyers miss. He made me a better lawyer. And I’m not the only lawyer he made better.”

Willis said she wants as part of her staff legally conservative minds and legally liberal minds, people she would sit around the table with and hash things out and find the best way to serve the community.

“I want to rely on the wisdom of other people and their experiences to lead the office,” she added.

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #252 on: August 13, 2020, 01:33:05 pm »
Thursday, 13 August 2o2o
Salt Lake City police officer suspended for attacking with K9 on Black man
by Jessica Schladebeck

A Utah officer accused of unnecessarily sicking his police K9 on a Black man, who was on his knees with his hands up at the time, has been suspended.

Authorities on Wednesday launched an internal investigation into the incident, most of which was captured on body camera video.

Jeremy Ryans was seated in his backyard smoking a cigarette when officers with the Salt Lake City Police Department showed up at his property.

Someone had called law enforcement after hearing Ryans arguing with his wife inside the home.

Authorities said he’d been violating a protective order, which Ryans maintains should have been lifted at the time.

He told the Salt Lake Tribune he was gearing up to leave for his job as a train engineer when police started shining lights in his face.

“Get on the ground or you’re gonna get bit,” an officer could be heard saying in the clip

Just seconds later, the officer commands his K-9 to attack.

“Hit. Hit,” the officer repeats, with his trained dog launching toward the 36-year-old each time.

“I’m on the ground, why are you biting me? I’m on the ground, stop,” Ryans says in response.

All the while, the officer is praising his dog, cooing “Good boy,” each time he attacks.

Even when another officer is restraining Ryans and putting him cuffs, the K9 officer continues to instruct his dog to “hit.”

Deputy Chief Jeff Kendrick told CBS News the department will be limiting the use of police dogs while the K-9 program undergoes and extensive review.

“Just deploying them just for searches, but we do not want them to come in contact with any individuals,” he explained.

Ryans is still recovering from multiple surgeries and an amputation for his leg has not been ruled out.

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #253 on: August 13, 2020, 03:44:33 pm »
Thursday, 13th August 2o2o
Savannah cops fired for use of excessive force during arrest
by ABC News

The Savannah Police Department announced Wednesday that it terminated two of its officers following a three-month investigation into excessive force used in an arrest.

District Attorney Meg Heap told reporters at a news conference that she will call for a grand jury in September to look into the April incident involving Corporal Daniel Kang and Sergeant Octavio Arango.

Heap, Savannah Police Department Chief Roy Minter and Mayor Van R. Johnson did not disclose specific details about the incident -- which was caught on body cameras -- but they did say excessive force was used during a warrant sweep on a suspect who, ultimately, was misidentified.

"Based on my review of the internal investigation and the video, I believe that the conduct of the two members of the Savannah Police Department during this particular incident was totally unacceptable and egregious behavior on their part," Minter said at the news conference.

Following the incident, the officers notified their supervisors about the use of force during the arrest, the Savannah Police Department said.

The supervisors alerted internal affairs after reviewing the details of the incident and body camera footage, and the officers were put on administrative leave.

In July, Minter recommended the officers be terminated for "conduct unbecoming of an officer," and other policy violations after reviewing the internal affairs report.

The officers appealed but City Manager Pat Monahan upheld the termination orders.

Minter resented the evidence and body camera footage to the Savannah CARES Task Force, which was created last month by the mayor to review current use of force policies and internal affairs data in the police department.

"Last Friday, the CARES Task Force gathered in person and they reviewed the body cam video, and they made a recommendation to the chief that the actions of the officers warranted a referral to the district attorney's office," the mayor said.

Arango had been with the department for approximately 15 years and Kang for eight, according to the police department.

Attorney information for the officers wasn't immediately available.

"We have worked hard to build a rapport with our community and want to strengthen that trust," Minter said in a statement.

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Re: Disappearing Excellence: The Senate & Loretta Lynch
« Reply #254 on: August 17, 2020, 04:24:55 am »
Monday, 17th August 2o2o
Mississippi police officers charged for murder after 2019 confrontation with Black man
by Renee G

Three Jackson, Mississippi policemen have been charged with second-degree murder in connection to the death of 61-year-old George Robinson in January 2019.

As reported by the Daily News, a grand jury accused officers Desmond Barney, Lincoln Lampley and Anthony Fox of “eminantly dangerous acts.

While searching the neighborhood after a pastor was killed in a botched robbery, the three officers approached Robinson who was sitting in his car.

They claimed to have witnessed him making drug transactions and pulled him out of his vehicle for non-compliance.

They handcuffed and beat him, as well as body slamming him headfirst into the pavement.

The officers also delivered multiple kicks and punches to Robinson’s head and chest, according to the indictment.

Robinson died two days later, and although his death was ruled a homicide, the Jackson Police Department’s Internal Affairs division found no evidence of wrongdoing immediately following his death.

In a statement made to WLBT, the Robinson family said,

“We are pleased the Jackson Police Department officers involved in his death have finally been charged with murder. For us, the charges prove that George’s life mattered and no one deserves to die the way he did.”

After turning themselves in, the three officers posted bail.

Lampley continues to work for the Jackson Police Department, while Fox and Barney have transferred to a police station in Clinton, Mississippi.

“Our administration is committed to ensuring that Jacksonians have an accountable police department. As part of our accountability process, the City of Jackson has implanted a process involving officer-involved deaths over to the DA for review by a grand jury,” said Mayor Chokwe A. Lumumba.

“In the full spirit of transparency, the administration will continue to monitor the situation and provide information to the public throughout each phase,” Lumumba continued.

“We ask that you keep those affected by this tragedy in your prayers.